Dispatches from Deutschland: What's Feminism Got to Do with Self-ID?
by Lisa Müller for Dispatches from Deutschland
Anyone watching Helen Joyce’s speech against the outrageous German Self-ID Bill to a modest crowd at “Lasst Frauen Sprechen” (Let Women Speak) in Berlin might have wondered: where are Germany’s feminists? Where do they stand on Self-ID? Where do they stand on the irreversible damage inflicted on gender-confused young girls and women? The short answer is sadly, amongst the perpetrators.
Over decades, feminism in Germany has become institutionalized across all levels of society—local, state, and federal—and in universities, to the extent that “Gender Equality” is now a profession. Unlike the Anglosphere, DEI initiatives in Germany primarily focus on equal opportunities, specifically combatting inequalities between men and women. The grassroots feminist activism of the 1970s and 1980s was initially facilitated but eventually suffocated by well-paid Equality Officers in local councils and authorities. It was death by friendly fire.
Like many professions, Equal Opportunity Officers aim to expand their influence, hire new staff, and widen their remit and this has made feminism in Germany one of the most successful political movements in the West. Equality between men and women is written into the German constitution so that the state must “promote the effective realisation of equal rights for women and men and shall work towards the elimination of existing disadvantages.” Women have dramatically increased their participation in the workforce and leadership positions, especially in public institutions.[1] After all, Germany had a female Chancellor for 16 years and placed Ursula von der Leyen in the EU Commission—both could be described as closeted feminists.
Feminism's success has made it increasingly difficult to argue for the continued necessity of Equal Opportunities. Just as LGB NGOs shifted to trans issues following the success of gay marriage, Equal Opportunity Officers have tentatively started to focus on gender identity issues, betraying their own definitions of ‘gender as a social construct’ by simultaneously embracing the idea of ‘gender as an innate identity.’ This conceptual confusion is rarely questioned by ordinary women living in towns and districts, female staff in government, or female university students and staff. Challenging the ‘experts’ is perceived as showing a lack of solidarity, but many women have not fully grasped the implications of this shift, possibly due to its remoteness from daily experience. The concept of ‘innate identity’ contradicts the lived experiences of most women. However, these women are in for a rude awakening; the Equality Opportunities apparatchiks have thrown each of the 40 million or so females living in Germany under the bus of Self-ID. How? Let’s explore some history.
Because social justice movements in Germany addressing race relations, disability rights, and LGB rights are less well-funded and institutionalized than feminism, these issues are not treated with the same legal protections. The comprehensive Anti-Discrimination Act was only introduced in 2006 after the European Commission urged Germany to comply with EU anti-discrimination guidelines. Now, individuals can sue if they feel they’ve been wronged due to a protected characteristic. Nonetheless, apart from a Federal Anti-Discrimination Agency in Berlin and a few recently established reporting offices, these entities are dwarfed by state-run, taxpayer-funded feminism.
Germany has effectively created a subsidized network of “feminist” activism. This success means that public administrations, including the leadership of higher education institutions, now defer to the ‘expertise’ of their Equal Opportunities units regarding all gender-related matters. For parents of young people caught in Gender Ideology, these institutions resemble an authoritarian maze.
To understand how institutionalized feminism influenced the public consultation process leading to the passage of the Self-ID bill, we must examine local council Equal Opportunity Officers, women's associations, and organizations like women's shelters and rape crisis centers.
Local Council Equal Opportunity Officers
The Bundesarbeitsgemeinschaft (BAG) serves as the nationwide umbrella organization for local council officers. Celebrating its 40th anniversary this September at the 28th conference in Würzburg, Bavaria, the BAG hosted about 500 participants and called for improved implementation of the Istanbul Convention and elevated standards for protection and counseling services, particularly women's shelters. Despite these concerns for women's safety, their June 2023 statement regarding the draft Self-ID Bill argued that the bill did not go far enough. They advocated for the abolition of the “domiciliary right” that restricts access to single-sex spaces for “male-bodied women,” claiming such exclusions violate the General Equal Treatment Act and the Constitution and promote transmisogynistic prejudices.
BAG also supports the ban on disclosure (Offenbarungsverbot), which incurs a fine of up to €10,000 for revealing someone's former name or sex, without exceptions for family members. They referenced materials from trans organizations highlighting that close family members "often discriminate against and assault TIN (Trans, Intersex, and Non-binary) individuals."
These positions have significant implications. First, the female professionals tasked with promoting women's interests at the local council level, who usually collaborate closely with rape crisis centers and domestic violence shelters, are actively pushing to eliminate even minimal protections against male predators who may exploit the Self-ID legislation. Second, taxpayer-funded local council officers working with municipal schools demand punitive measures against parents who do not affirm their trans-identified children, potentially subjecting them to fines.
For those who find this stance cruel and contradictory, guidance on LGBTIQ+ issues can be found on BAG’s website, which features information from activist organizations like GATE, ILGA-Europe, and TGEU. This is the primary source of education for Equal Opportunity Officers across Germany regarding discussions on gender identities.
Women’s Associations, Shelters, and Rape Crisis Centers
In May 2023, the German Women's Council (Deutscher Frauenrat or DF), the leading lobbying organization for feminists, issued a statement on the draft Self-ID bill. DF is an umbrella organization that includes women’s associations and clubs with at least 90 percent female membership, alongside other groups that ensure women can form independent opinions and represent their interests. It currently includes 62 member associations. Similar to BAG, DF criticized the draft Self-ID legislation for not going far enough.
They voiced concerns over the provisions regarding 'effectiveness,’ specifically the mandatory three-month waiting period between the application for a change of name and gender marker and the enactment of that change. Like BAG, they argued that the “domiciliary rights” excluding males from women’s shelters perpetuate unnecessary hardship and reinforce harmful stereotypes about trans individuals as potentially dangerous or violent. They contended that the legislative tone contributes to narratives portraying trans, non-binary, and intersex people, especially trans women, as threats in women’s spaces, labeling this perception as both false and dangerous.
While DF represents some women’s shelters among its members, the coordinating organization for many shelters, Frauenhaus-Koordinierung (FHK), issued its own statement on May 23, 2023. FHK expressed strong agreement with DF, affirming its “unreserved solidarity with the needs of those affected,” acknowledging that individuals identifying as trans, intersex, or gender non-binary are particularly vulnerable to gender-based violence.
University Equal Opportunity Units
Finally, let’s examine what the Bundeskonferenz (BuKoF), the umbrella organization for Equal Opportunity Units at state universities, stated in their seemingly unnecessary proclamation (after all, what does this have to do with tertiary education?). They commented, “Some regulations in the draft unfortunately lead to renewed exclusions and discrimination for trans, intersex, and non-binary people. In some passages, the draft unfortunately suggests that gender identity adjustments would be made carelessly and thoughtlessly. This can (re-)produce trans hostility and gender-based discrimination.”
Interpreting this in my own words: all those talented yet awkward students who inexplicably come out as “trans” within the Humanities and Arts faculties—yet rarely in STEM programs—are not phenomena worthy of attention for Equal Opportunity Officers in these universities. Instead, there seems to be a collective dismissal of the concerns and experiences of these students or those around them. It appears that documenting or even observing their struggles could potentially undermine the narrative that emphasizes the need for continual affirmation and protection, discouraging any genuine engagement with the realities of their transitions. The underlying message is clear: there’s nothing to see here; move along!
This complex landscape illuminates a troubling reality: institutionalized feminist organizations are increasingly aligned with perspectives that challenge traditional notions of womanhood. Despite the foundational aim of supporting women's rights and safety, the push for broader inclusivity risks undermining crucial protections for women in vulnerable situations. The unambiguous definitions of womanhood and the calls for safe spaces, particularly in contexts like women’s shelters, linger in stark contrast to the advocacy for trans rights, leading to significant tension within the feminist movement at large.
The contrasting positions of these influential women's organizations and the collective voices of women’s shelters and rape crisis centers stand in stark opposition to those of groups like “Lasst Frauen Sprechen” and women who gathered with Helen Joyce in Berlin, as well as their allies protesting at German embassies globally. This disconnect must reflect confusing dynamics to politicians and journalists who are only briefly engaging with these issues.
So, Is Feminism the Problem or the Solution?
The powerful institutionalized feminist voices supporting Self-ID and defending trans activists against so-called Trans-exclusionary Radical Feminists (TERFs) raise critical questions about the future of feminism in Germany. Will feminism be viewed as part of the problem or part of the solution? Could TERFism emerge as the “true feminism” once the shortcomings of institutionalization become apparent? Or will this influence mark the decline of feminism for decades?
As always, context and definitions matter. Who speaks for women in Germany? Who is (still) considered a feminist? Who has betrayed women and harmed families? The answers remain open to interpretation, and it’s challenging to maintain optimism, as neither critical German feminists nor the concerned parents of gender-confused youth appear to have a place at these discussions. Ultimately, historians might render harsh judgments on feminism, primarily citing institutional voices as evidence, with TERF perspectives barely making it into the footnotes. Whatever remains of patriarchy will likely ensure this outcome. I truly hope I am wrong. Standing in the soggy November air in Berlin should pay off in some meaningful way.
Lisa Müller is the co-organiser of Parents of ROGD Kids (Germany)
[1] For example, the Gender Equality Index 2023 - Equality between women and men in the highest federal authorities includes this summary on page 12: “As of 30 June 2023 […] at 55%, the proportion of female employees in the supreme federal authorities (excluding BBk) reached the previous year's level. The proportion of women in the highest federal authorities (excluding BBk) reached a higher level for career advancements, so that no disadvantage can be recognised in the overall view. The proportion of women in career advancements increased by around half a percentage point compared to the previous year to 58%”
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Not a hopeful scenario for Germany .