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Ollie Parks's avatar

From Seminar Room to State Doctrine: The Unquestioned Ascent of Queer Theory

Dwight Panozzo’s framing of gender identitarianism as a belief system—not a science—is both timely and courageous. But we must go deeper, to the intellectual taproot of the current crisis. Gender identity, as a concept, did not simply arise from clinical observation or democratic consensus. It is the operational child of queer theory—a radical academic project with unapologetically subversive aims.

Queer theory was never intended as a descriptive tool to map human variation. It was designed to destabilize: to undermine stable sexual and gender identities, to "trouble" the normative, and to celebrate the transgressive. As a rhetorical and intellectual strategy, it wore its anti-foundationalism as a badge of honour. As long as it remained cloistered within humanities departments, it seemed like a harmless exercise in postmodern provocation. But it didn’t stay there.

What followed was a slow, undemocratic metastasis. Over a span of two decades, queer theory’s core commitments—instability, anti-essentialism, and the sacralization of individual self-narration—were smuggled into medicine, education, corporate governance, and law. This migration happened without scrutiny, without legislative or public review, and most egregiously, without an ethics panel ever asking: What are the long-term effects of teaching children that identity is infinitely fluid and self-generated? Or: What moral or psychological risks attend the institutionalization of a framework that elevates transgression to a virtue and sees normativity as oppression?

Imagine if any other theoretical movement—say, one rooted in sociobiology or IQ determinism—had tried to insert itself this deeply into public life. There would have been alarm bells. Editorials. Senate hearings. But queer theory, cloaked in the moral force of inclusion and the academic prestige of poststructuralism, evaded such interrogation. Its greatest rhetorical achievement was to render critique suspect, if not outright hateful.

Panozzo rightly identifies gender identitarianism as a new religious movement, complete with dogma, blasphemy codes, and rituals of purification. But unlike most religions, this one did not grow from grassroots spiritual needs—it was constructed, piece by piece, in graduate seminars. That in itself is not a crime. But handing such a system over to institutions—schools, clinics, courts—without public understanding or consent is a moral and civic failure of the highest order.

What began as theoretical mischief in the academy became state-sponsored ideology. Deconstruction, once a literary game, is now written into school policies and medical protocols. And yet there has been no reckoning. No retrospective examination of how we got here. No pause to ask: Was this wise? Was this ethical?

Panozzo’s piece opens a door. Let’s walk through it with moral seriousness. Let’s ask why a society that claims to value evidence, deliberation, and pluralism allowed such a destabilizing belief system to become its new civic religion. Let’s ask why those who raised questions were dismissed as bigots rather than heard as citizens.

And above all, let us insist that future ideas—no matter how “inclusive” their branding—face the ethical and evidentiary tests that queer theory never had to endure.

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Sandra Pinches's avatar

If the gender woo is "recognized" as a religion, as Scientology has been, they will get all the tax breaks and other special benefits bestowed on religions. They will also be permitted to teach their religion to their children in parochial schools, and no one will be able to protect those kids from indoctrination into mutilation beliefs and practices.

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